Politics in Africa
Colonial Africa
Colonialism had a destabilizing effect on what had been a number of ethnic groups that is still being felt in African
politics. Prior to European influence, national borders were not much of a concern, with Africans generally
following the practice of other areas of the world, such as the Arabian peninsula, where a group's territory was
congruent with its military or trade influence. The European insistence of drawing borders around territories to
isolate them from those of other colonial powers often had the effect of separating otherwise contiguous political
groups, or forcing traditional enemies to live side by side with no buffer between them. For example, the Congo
River, although it appears to be a natural geographic boundary, had groups that otherwise shared a language,
culture or other similarity who resided on both sides. The division of the land between Belgium and France along
the river isolated these groups from each other. Those who lived in Saharan or Sub-Saharan Africa and traded
across the continent for centuries often found themselves crossing "borders" that existed only on European maps.
In nations that had substantial European populations, for example Rhodesia and South Africa, systems of
second-class citizenship were often set up in order to give Europeans political power far in excess of their
numbers. However, the lines were not often drawn strictly across racial lines. In Liberia, the citizens who were
descendants of American slaves managed to have a political system for over 100 years that gave ex-slaves and
natives to the area roughly equal legislative power despite the fact the ex-slaves were outnumbered ten to one in
the general population. The inspiration for this system was the United States Senate, which had balanced the
power of free and slave states despite the much larger population of the former.
Europeans often changed the balance of power, created ethnic divides where they did not previously exist, and
introduced a cultural dichotomy detrimental to the native inhabitants in the areas they controlled. For example, in
what is now Rwanda and Burundi, two tribes Hutus and Tutsis had merged into one culture by the time Belgian
colonists had taken control of the region in the 19th century. No longer divided by ethnicity as intermingling,
inter-marriage, and merging of cultural practices over the centuries had long since erased visible signs of a
culture divide, the Belgians instituted a policy of racial categorization, upon taking control of the region, as racial
based categorization and philosophies was a fixture of the European culture of that time. The term Hutu originally
referred to the agricultural-based Bantu speaking tribes that moved into present day Rwandan and Burundi from
the West, and the term Tutsi referred to North Eastern cattle-based tribes that migrated into the region later. The
terms to the indigenous peoples eventually came to describe a person's economic class. Those individuals who
owned roughly 10 or more cattle were considered Tutsi, and those with fewer were considered Hutu, regardless
of ancestral history. This was not a strict line but a general rule of thumb, and one could move from Hutu to Tutsi
and vice versa.
The Belgians introduced a racialised system. Those individuals who had characteristics the Europeans admired -
fairer skin, ample height, narrow noses, etc. - were given power amongst the colonized peoples. The Belgians
determined these features were more ideally Hamitic, Hamitic in turn being more ideally European and belonged
to those people closest to Tutsi in ancestry. They instituted a policy of issuing identity cards based on this
philosophy. Those closest to this ideal were proclaimed Tutsi and those not were proclaimed Hutu.
Post-colonial Africa
Since independence, African states have frequently been hampered by instability, corruption, violence, and
authoritarianism. The vast majority of African nations are republics that operate under some form of the
presidential system of rule. Few nations in Africa have been able to sustain democratic governments, instead
cycling through a series of brutal coups and military dictatorships.
A number of Africa's post-colonial political leaders were poorly educated and ignorant on matters of governance;
great instability, however, was mainly the result of marginalization of other ethnic groups and graft under these
leaders.
As well, many used the positions of power to ignite ethnic conflicts that had been exacerbated, or even created,
under colonial rule. In many countries, the military was perceived as being the only group that could effectively
maintain order and ruled most nations in Africa during the 70s and early 80s.
During the period from the early 1960s to the late 1980s Africa had over 70 coups and 13 presidential
assassinations.
Cold War conflicts between the United States and the Soviet Union also played a role in the instability. When a
country became independent for the first time, it was often expected to align with one of the two superpowers.
Many countries in Northern Africa received Soviet military aid, while many in Central and Southern Africa were
supported by the United States and/or France. The 1970s saw an escalation as newly independent Angola and
Mozambique aligned themselves with the Soviet Union and the West and South Africa sought to contain Soviet
influence.
Border and territorial disputes have also been common, with the European-imposed borders of many nations
being widely contested through armed conflicts.
Failed government policies and political corruption have also resulted in many widespread famines, and
significant portions of Africa remain with distribution systems unable to disseminate enough food or water for the
population to survive. The spread of disease is also rampant, especially the spread of the Human
Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the associated Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), which has
become a deadly epidemic on the continent.
Despite numerous hardships, there have been some signs the continent has hope for the future. Democratic
governments seem to be spreading, though are not yet the majority (National Geographic claims 13 African
nations can be considered truly democratic). As well, many nations have at least nominally recognized basic
human rights for all citizens, though in practice these are not always recognized, and have created reasonably
independent judiciaries.
There are clear signs of increased networking among African organisations and states. In the civil war in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire), rather than rich, non-African countries intervening, about
half-a-dozen neighbouring African countries got involved (see also Second Congo War). The death toll has been
estimated by some to be 3.5 million since the conflict began in 1998. This might play a role similar to that of World
War II for Europe, after which the people in the neighbouring countries decide to integrate their societies in such a
way that war between them becomes as unthinkable as a war between, say, France and Germany would be today.
Political associations such as the African Union are also offering hope for greater co-operation and peace
between the continent's many countries.
Extensive human rights abuses still occur in several parts of Africa, often under the oversight of the state. Most of
such violations occur for political reasons, often times as a 'side-effect' of civil war. Notable countries with
reported major violations include, but are not limited to, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone,
Liberia, Sudan, and Côte d'Ivoire. Reported violations include cannibalism, mutilation, and rape.
Modern Africa
Most western countries place limitations on aid to African nations. These limitations are often used to control the
governments of these African nations; as a result, these nations are turning to non-traditional sources of financial
aid. China has increasingly provided financial aid to Africa in order to secure contracts on natural resources.
There usually is no political prescription.
Colonial Africa
Colonialism had a destabilizing effect on what had been a number of ethnic groups that is still being felt in African
politics. Prior to European influence, national borders were not much of a concern, with Africans generally
following the practice of other areas of the world, such as the Arabian peninsula, where a group's territory was
congruent with its military or trade influence. The European insistence of drawing borders around territories to
isolate them from those of other colonial powers often had the effect of separating otherwise contiguous political
groups, or forcing traditional enemies to live side by side with no buffer between them. For example, the Congo
River, although it appears to be a natural geographic boundary, had groups that otherwise shared a language,
culture or other similarity who resided on both sides. The division of the land between Belgium and France along
the river isolated these groups from each other. Those who lived in Saharan or Sub-Saharan Africa and traded
across the continent for centuries often found themselves crossing "borders" that existed only on European maps.
In nations that had substantial European populations, for example Rhodesia and South Africa, systems of
second-class citizenship were often set up in order to give Europeans political power far in excess of their
numbers. However, the lines were not often drawn strictly across racial lines. In Liberia, the citizens who were
descendants of American slaves managed to have a political system for over 100 years that gave ex-slaves and
natives to the area roughly equal legislative power despite the fact the ex-slaves were outnumbered ten to one in
the general population. The inspiration for this system was the United States Senate, which had balanced the
power of free and slave states despite the much larger population of the former.
Europeans often changed the balance of power, created ethnic divides where they did not previously exist, and
introduced a cultural dichotomy detrimental to the native inhabitants in the areas they controlled. For example, in
what is now Rwanda and Burundi, two tribes Hutus and Tutsis had merged into one culture by the time Belgian
colonists had taken control of the region in the 19th century. No longer divided by ethnicity as intermingling,
inter-marriage, and merging of cultural practices over the centuries had long since erased visible signs of a
culture divide, the Belgians instituted a policy of racial categorization, upon taking control of the region, as racial
based categorization and philosophies was a fixture of the European culture of that time. The term Hutu originally
referred to the agricultural-based Bantu speaking tribes that moved into present day Rwandan and Burundi from
the West, and the term Tutsi referred to North Eastern cattle-based tribes that migrated into the region later. The
terms to the indigenous peoples eventually came to describe a person's economic class. Those individuals who
owned roughly 10 or more cattle were considered Tutsi, and those with fewer were considered Hutu, regardless
of ancestral history. This was not a strict line but a general rule of thumb, and one could move from Hutu to Tutsi
and vice versa.
The Belgians introduced a racialised system. Those individuals who had characteristics the Europeans admired -
fairer skin, ample height, narrow noses, etc. - were given power amongst the colonized peoples. The Belgians
determined these features were more ideally Hamitic, Hamitic in turn being more ideally European and belonged
to those people closest to Tutsi in ancestry. They instituted a policy of issuing identity cards based on this
philosophy. Those closest to this ideal were proclaimed Tutsi and those not were proclaimed Hutu.
Post-colonial Africa
Since independence, African states have frequently been hampered by instability, corruption, violence, and
authoritarianism. The vast majority of African nations are republics that operate under some form of the
presidential system of rule. Few nations in Africa have been able to sustain democratic governments, instead
cycling through a series of brutal coups and military dictatorships.
A number of Africa's post-colonial political leaders were poorly educated and ignorant on matters of governance;
great instability, however, was mainly the result of marginalization of other ethnic groups and graft under these
leaders.
As well, many used the positions of power to ignite ethnic conflicts that had been exacerbated, or even created,
under colonial rule. In many countries, the military was perceived as being the only group that could effectively
maintain order and ruled most nations in Africa during the 70s and early 80s.
During the period from the early 1960s to the late 1980s Africa had over 70 coups and 13 presidential
assassinations.
Cold War conflicts between the United States and the Soviet Union also played a role in the instability. When a
country became independent for the first time, it was often expected to align with one of the two superpowers.
Many countries in Northern Africa received Soviet military aid, while many in Central and Southern Africa were
supported by the United States and/or France. The 1970s saw an escalation as newly independent Angola and
Mozambique aligned themselves with the Soviet Union and the West and South Africa sought to contain Soviet
influence.
Border and territorial disputes have also been common, with the European-imposed borders of many nations
being widely contested through armed conflicts.
Failed government policies and political corruption have also resulted in many widespread famines, and
significant portions of Africa remain with distribution systems unable to disseminate enough food or water for the
population to survive. The spread of disease is also rampant, especially the spread of the Human
Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the associated Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), which has
become a deadly epidemic on the continent.
Despite numerous hardships, there have been some signs the continent has hope for the future. Democratic
governments seem to be spreading, though are not yet the majority (National Geographic claims 13 African
nations can be considered truly democratic). As well, many nations have at least nominally recognized basic
human rights for all citizens, though in practice these are not always recognized, and have created reasonably
independent judiciaries.
There are clear signs of increased networking among African organisations and states. In the civil war in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire), rather than rich, non-African countries intervening, about
half-a-dozen neighbouring African countries got involved (see also Second Congo War). The death toll has been
estimated by some to be 3.5 million since the conflict began in 1998. This might play a role similar to that of World
War II for Europe, after which the people in the neighbouring countries decide to integrate their societies in such a
way that war between them becomes as unthinkable as a war between, say, France and Germany would be today.
Political associations such as the African Union are also offering hope for greater co-operation and peace
between the continent's many countries.
Extensive human rights abuses still occur in several parts of Africa, often under the oversight of the state. Most of
such violations occur for political reasons, often times as a 'side-effect' of civil war. Notable countries with
reported major violations include, but are not limited to, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone,
Liberia, Sudan, and Côte d'Ivoire. Reported violations include cannibalism, mutilation, and rape.
Modern Africa
Most western countries place limitations on aid to African nations. These limitations are often used to control the
governments of these African nations; as a result, these nations are turning to non-traditional sources of financial
aid. China has increasingly provided financial aid to Africa in order to secure contracts on natural resources.
There usually is no political prescription.
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